Trump, echo in the 2025 project, using the strategy of “flooding the area” to push the agenda: experts

On the campaign track, and in the weeks preceding his return to the White House, President Donald Trump promised to hit the ground – which experts describe as a “flooding the zone” strategy to advance on its conservative and controversial policies.

The rhythm meant a first day of often unprecedented power: “Trump Speed”, the White House calls it.

Earlier this month, he told Republican legislators at a festive dinner: “We are establishing records at the moment. We get more approved things than any president has never done in the first 100 days. It is not even close. I had someone who said the most successful month – the first month in history. Now they said the most successful 100 days in our country.”

How he did, said legal experts at ABC News, will have a lasting impact on the presidency and the federal government.

His main strategy was to sign orders almost daily, including those which question the power of the congress to finance and supervise federal agencies and programs, while others relentlessly test the limits of the application of immigration.

Other presidents on both sides of the aisle tried to bend their executive muscle, such as President Joe Biden’s OCE to demand that 50% of the cars and light trucks sold to be zero emission electric vehicles by 2030, according to Tabitha Bonilla, assistant research professor at the Northwestern University Political Research Institute.

“Each president in recent decades has tried to add more power to the executive branch and transmit its program,” Bonilla told ABC News. “Trump takes this to the extreme.”

For example, experts cited Trump using legal and financial threats to punish universities and law firms for alleged political opposition and an inability to “align themselves” with its program, as well as its wholesale layoffs of senior career officials, replacing them with loyalists.

James Sample, an expert in constitutional law at Hofstra University, said that Trump’s gaming book seems to be right out of the 2025 project, a plan to “take the reins of the federal government” prepared for years by Trump’s most conservative allies in anticipation of his return – although Trump pretended to have never read it.

Trump and his supporters said that his actions were justified because the non-elected bureaucrats and judges, they claim, had taken control of the presidents-the only elected official at the national level, they say and granted total executive power by the Constitution.

Anyway, said the sample, the tactic should increase a red flag.

“The goal of a Blitzkrieg is to overwhelm the opposition,” he said.

While Trump’s tactics have met with little or no protest of the Republican legislators who control the Chamber and the Senate, the judicial branch has often been ready to stem floods by decisions and injunctions in dozens of judicial cases.

However, the experts told ABC News that even if all Trump movements are blocked or even reversed, they have made serious short and long -term damage.

“It’s about setting up the story,” said Bonilla. “Trump’s politicians and rhetoric have pushed everything to the right and injured our strength on a global scale.”

The valves opened

Since Trump took office on January 20, he published more than 140 decrees on various politicians on Monday, defeating files and overwhelmingly held interpretations of the federal law and the Constitution.

President Joe Biden, in comparison, published 162 EOS throughout his mandate, and Trump published more than 30 decrees during the first 100 days of his first mandate, according to the historic archives.

The Chief of the White House Staff, Susie Wiles, told Fox News in March that during this second mandate, the Trump team knew that it had to act quickly, quoting the mid-term elections in November 2026 which could change the Congress card.

“This 18 months is our calendar. A hundred days, certainly six months after the start of the year and 18 months, are somehow our references,” she said.

The “flooding the area” objective was for a long time by Trump’s allies.

His former White House political advisor Steve Bannon seemed to invent the idea during Trump’s first term. After Trump left his duties, conservative activists and Trump’s loyalists designed a battle plan proposed for a second term.

In a speech in 2023, Russell Vought, a 2025 project chief architect and now the current director of Trump of the Office of Management and Budget, established a strategy at his Center for Renewing America, a pro-Trump Washington reflection group.

“I want the bureaucrats to be traumatically affected because they are increasingly considered as bad. We want to put them in trauma,” he said in a speech reported by Propuplica.

A video of his realization of this speech was raised during the confirmation hearings of Vought earlier this year, but he saved several times to answer questions about his provocative rhetoric and his plans.

Many Trump EOS have dealt with an original idea of ​​Elon Musk – the government’s Ministry of Effectiveness, which has reduced the budgets of agencies and tens of thousands of federal employees across the country, while others have advanced the president’s repression against foreign invaders, such as the end of citizenship of Citizenship Alight.

Bernadette Meyler, the law professor of Carl and Sheila Spaeth at the Stanford Law School, told ABC News that the decrees had always been a tool that the presidents had used to define their agenda, even if it is simply symbolically.

“It is an effective tactic. It is difficult even for the courts to react quickly,” said Meyler.

Conservative groups have long pleaded for a reshuffle of the federal government and agitated that the president needed more power to make the country more effective.

“What he is doing is launching what will ultimately be our legislative program,” said Chamber Mike Johnson in January after Trump’s first round of decree.

The Heritage Foundation, the far -right reflection group which helped produce the 2025 project, argued that Trump’s efforts are essential and that rapid action can make government more effective.

Lindsey Burke, director of the Center for Education policy at the Heritage Foundation, and Jonathan Butcher, principal researcher to the reflection group, referred to this idea in a statement last month after Trump published an executive decree for a drastic reduction in force for the Ministry of Education.

“The reduction of the inflated bureaucracy will offer officials of the education of states and premises more of decision-making authority,” they said.

Word of words, resistance to courts

Legal experts said that another effective aspect of the “flood of the zone” tactics were the multiple appearances and photos of Trump’s media, where he continues to make controversial and provocative claims.

Meyler maintains that Trump’s War of Words is part of a deeper tactic to undermine public confidence in the federal government.

She noted that even with the courts delivering injunctions, Trump’s statements and resistance to the judge’s orders with aggressive calls have nevertheless advanced the needle to the right.

“It may seem that he does a lot even without much legal action,” said Meyler.

How much vapor remains?

Trump and his allies have been categorical that they will stick to their plans to reaffirm the powers of the executive branch long after the first 100 days are in place and provide all their affairs to the Supreme Court if necessary.

On Sunday, there were 217 judicial cases against the second Trump Administration, according to ABC News accounts, and a large majority of them led to temporary ban, inversions and, in some cases, complete blocks of the order of the day of Trump.

“In the first Trump administration, we saw a lot of executive actions at first, then we saw him slow down,” said Bonilla. “We will live in the space of many things that happen all at once, but at some point, there will be a time when there is so much that [the executive branch] I can’t follow. “”

Meyler agreed but added that Trump, the architects of the 2025 project and their allies said that they were ready to work with the congress to pass their program through legislative channels.

“This could guarantee its policies and slow down things and avoid the courts,” she said.

This pivot will respond to more resistance, especially when approaching mid-term, according to Meyler.

“It is easier for some than others because of various practical questions, but there is a tilting point,” she said. “People are already protesting and Trump’s public notes are soaking.”

However, future presidents will probably imitate the tactics “flood the area” during their first weeks, according to Meyler.

“During the long-term courses of presidential history, there is rarely a retraction of the presidential power,” she said.